A whistle-blower protection commission to oversee and enforce federal whistle-blowing laws, give whistle-blowers practical assistance, and determine what — if any — intelligence information genuinely cannot be revealed.
Transparency & AccountabilityJournalists & Whistleblowers
Journalists & Whistleblowers · The Democrats' planNobody should go to jail for telling the truth.
A patchwork of complex laws, agencies that fail to respond to complaints, and hundreds of national security provisions have landed whistle-blowers in court — and some in jail. Journalists have had their offices and homes raided, with charges hanging over them for months, for reporting in the public interest. Our plan protects the people who report wrongdoing, and the reporters who publish it.
Declassified
Drag from today’s protections to ours — and watch the story come out from under the ink.
From raising the alarm to the courtroom
- The set-up
Raising the alarm starts inside the organisation.
Former Defence lawyer David McBride and former public servant Richard Boyle both first raised the alarm internally, and there is no doubting the substance of their complaints. It is hardly better in the corporate sector, where Jeff Morris exposed rampant misconduct inside the Commonwealth Bank, warning whistle-blowers not to put their faith in current whistle-blower protections. Behind them sits a patchwork of complex laws, the failure of government and corporate agencies to respond to complaints, and 875 secrecy offences currently on Commonwealth books, covering everything from national security legislation to tax law.
- The consequence
The complaint goes unanswered and the whistle-blower ends up in court.
David McBride was convicted for his role in the ABC's landmark Afghan Files reporting, and Richard Boyle is charged with disclosing unethical debt recovery practices in the Tax Office after his home was raided in the early hours of the morning by the ATO and Federal Police. To date, eight journalists have been convicted or jailed for refusing to reveal their sources to courts. Since 2011 judges have had the discretion to order that a journalist is not required to answer questions that might reveal a source, but this is small comfort. Some whistle-blowers have gone to jail, and it is little wonder that few whistle-blowers now report corrupt conduct.
- The fix
Make access to journalists' material something police must argue for.
A media freedom framework would protect journalists' sources and reverse the burden of proof when it comes to publishing government secrets in the public interest, backed by a Public Interest Advocate and by leaving only senior judges with the power to grant warrants relating to journalists and media organisations. The most compelling framework is the UK Police and Criminal Evidence Act, which New Zealand is on the cusp of embracing: police apply for a production order the media gets a chance to contest, granted only where other methods have been tried or would be futile and access is in the public interest, with confidential journalistic materials reachable only in terrorism investigations. Alongside that sit an independent whistle-blower protection commission to oversee and enforce federal whistle-blowing laws, stand-alone protections consistent in each state and territory and harmonised across the public and private sectors, a positive duty for employers, and improved remedies and compensation rights for those who suffer detriment.
The plan at a glance
Stand-alone whistle-blower protection laws, consistent in each state and territory and harmonised across the public and private sectors, replacing today's patchwork of complex laws.
A media freedom framework that protects journalists' sources and reverses the burden of proof for publishing government secrets in the public interest — plus stronger, simpler protections for disclosures made to the media and to members of parliament.
A Public Interest Advocate to argue the public interest, and only senior judges empowered to grant warrants relating to journalists and media organisations. In Canada, only a senior judge may grant police access to information a journalist holds.
A positive duty for employers to protect whistle-blowers, improved remedies and compensation rights for those who suffer detriment, and confidentiality requirements so agencies and oversight bodies can properly respond to cases.
What happens when someone speaks up
The same disclosure, under today's law and under ours.
Today
- 875 secrecy offences scattered across a patchwork of complex Commonwealth laws
- Complaints raised internally go unanswered by government and corporate agencies alike
- Warrants over journalists' material are not reserved to senior judges, and nobody is there to put the public interest
- Whistle-blowers who suffer detriment for speaking up carry the cost themselves
Our plan
- Stand-alone whistle-blower protection laws, consistent in each state and territory and harmonised across the public and private sectors
- An independent whistle-blower protection commission that enforces the law and gives practical assistance
- Only senior judges may grant them, with a Public Interest Advocate arguing the public interest
- Improved remedies and compensation rights, and a positive duty on employers to protect them
Eight journalists convicted or jailed for protecting a source — and publishing a government secret in the public interest means proving your own innocence
A media freedom framework that protects journalists' sources in law and reverses the burden of proof for public-interest publication
As Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus has put it, journalists should never face the prospect of jail just for doing their jobs. A media freedom framework fixes the cause, not the symptom — sources protected in law, and public-interest publication no longer starting from the presumption of guilt.
The full policy
Word for word — the platform as our members wrote it.
The Issues
Australia is now 39th in Reporters Sans Frontiers’ World Press Freedom Index, a staggering decline of 20 places since 2018. This reflects a fact acknowledged by both the Morrison and Albanese governments: Australia has a press freedom problem.
— Associate Professors Rebecca Ananian-Welsh and Jason Bosland
As a general proposition, journalists should never face the prospect of jail just for doing their jobs.
— Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus
A patchwork of complex laws, the failure of government and corporate agencies to respond to complaints, and hundreds of national security provisions have landed whistle-blowers in court. There are 875 secrecy offences currently on Commonwealth books, for everything from national security legislation to tax law. Some whistle-blowers have gone to jail, and it’s little wonder that few whistle-blowers now report corrupt conduct.
Our Plan
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An independent whistle-blower protection commission to oversee and enforce federal whistle-blowing laws, provide practical assistance to whistle-blowers, and determine what (if any) intelligence information cannot be revealed.
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Stand-alone whistle-blower protection laws, consistent in each state and territory and harmonised across public and private sectors.
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A media freedom framework that protects journalists’ sources and reverses the burden of proof when it comes to publishing government secrets in the public interest.
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Stronger, simpler protections for those who make disclosures to the media and members of parliament.
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A positive duty for employers to protect whistle-blowers.
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Improved remedies for whistle-blowers who suffer detriment, and compensation rights.
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Confidentiality requirements to make it easier for agencies, employers and oversight bodies to properly respond to whistle-blowing cases.
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A Public Interest Advocate, and only senior judges to have the power to grant warrants relating to journalists and media organisations.
The Evidence
Too often the public right to know is put aside by government to keep embarrassing secrets, such as the case of illegal bugging of the Timor-Leste parliament.
Former Defence lawyer David McBride was convicted for his role in the ABC’s landmark Afghan Files reporting, and former public servant Richard Boyle is charged with disclosing unethical debt recovery practices in the Tax Office — even though both first raised the alarm internally and there is no doubting the substance of their complaints. Boyle’s home was raided in the early hours of the morning by the ATO and Federal Police.
To date, eight journalists have been convicted or jailed for refusing to reveal their sources to courts. Since 2011, judges have the discretion to order that a journalist is not required to answer questions that might reveal a source, but this is small comfort.
In 2019 the Sydney offices of the ABC and the Canberra home of then News Corp journalist Annika Smethurst were raided by the AFP based on leaked classified information. ABC journalists Dan Oakes and Sam Clark published allegations in 2017 of unlawful killings by Australian special forces in Afghanistan. Smethurst reported in 2018 on plans to give the nation’s spy agencies greater surveillance powers. The prospect of prosecution hung over them for many months before the charges were finally dropped.
It’s hardly better in the corporate sector, where Jeff Morris exposed rampant misconduct inside the Commonwealth Bank, warning whistle-blowers not to put their faith in current whistle-blower protections.
The ALP went to the 2019 Federal election stating that, if elected, they would introduce a single Whistleblower Act, a Whistleblower Protection Authority, and consider implementing rewards for whistle-blowers. Four years on and there is little progress.
Under US law, a blanket protection exists to prevent state access to journalistic materials, subject to strictly limited exemptions. In New Zealand, as in Queensland and Victoria, a journalist cannot be forced to show police materials that would identify a confidential source (unless a judge determines the public interest in the administration of justice outweighs the public interests in source confidentiality and press freedom). In Canada, only a senior judge may grant police access to information a journalist holds — and only where there is no alternative and access is justified by a robust public interest test.
The most compelling framework is presented by the UK Police and Criminal Evidence Act, which New Zealand is on the cusp of embracing. UK police cannot get a warrant to see any journalistic materials such as recordings or documents (unless it is necessary to avoid seriously prejudicing an investigation). Instead, UK law sets up a special process by which police apply for “production orders”, which the media gets a chance to contest. Access to journalistic material will only be granted if other methods of getting the material have been tried (or would be futile) and if access is in the public interest.
In recognition of journalists’ ethical obligations to protect their confidential sources, police access to confidential journalistic materials is limited to terrorism investigations. Even then, strict limitations and protections apply. These considerations are not taken lightly: UK courts have emphasised the high bar police must reach to obtain a production order, and the importance of rights to privacy and press freedom.
References
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McBride’s Crucifixion Highlights the Need for Whistleblower Protections in Australia.
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Urgent Reform is needed for Australia’s inadequate whistleblower protections.
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David McBride is facing jailtime for helping reveal alleged war crimes. Will it end whistleblowing in Australia?
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The unconscionable prosecution of Bernard Collaery was an assault on the values Australia holds dear.
Make it happen.
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